September 2005

The WPO published an op-ed by Jeb Bush that explains how these things should work:

Before Congress considers a larger, direct federal role, it needs to hold communities and states accountable for properly preparing for the inevitable storms to come.

So, why didn’t the Senate Finance Committee hold Governor Blanco accountable?

Bush (Jeb) gives credit to Craig Fugate, the Florida equivalent of Louisiana’s Major General Bennett C. Landreneau. Funny how Republicans seem to be better than Democrats at doing the job they’re elected to do.


Much of the difficulty in Iraq can be traced to the refusal of the Turks to allow the US to mount military operations against Saddam from Turkey. The consequence is that the Sunni triangle was never exposed to the full force of the US military. The Baathists who are supporting the insurgency were able to lay low during the military phase of the liberation of Iraq. Saddam’s military elite was able to execute a pre-planned insurgency after the fall of Bhagdad.

The Turkish refusal was a consequence of their shift to Islamist parties in their last election. The newly elected Islamists thought they could stop the US liberation of Iraq. Me, I’d have said, you’re out of NATO, out of aid, out of trade, and you’re one step away from being classified with Iran and Syria. The Europeans have lots of reasons to view the Turks with deep suspicion. They have not come clean on the mass murder of a million Armenian Christians. The denial of the Armenian genocide is not helpful to their cause, pariticularly in a post 9/11/Bali/Madrid/London world.

Europe’s elites won’t say it directly, but they don’t want an Islamic nation inside Europe.

Speak of the devil, I post on this today, and Miller makes a deal. I suspect that Miller realized that her “sacrifice” wasn’t going to do her cause much good. They want to protect their anonymous sources but it turns out their sources are the likes of Karl Rove and Lewis Libby. The media needs input from people-in-power and the people-in-power need the media to drive the news cycle. It’s a vicious circle that put Miller between a rock and a hard place (sorry, couldn’t resist the mixed metaphors). What happens if the people-in-power stop leaking to the likes of Miller? Miller loses her most vital resource. So does every other Beltway journalist.

So what did Fitzgerald get from Miller? Dunno, but check out Just One Minute for an update. Check the comments, too.

The Fitzgerald inquiry into the alleged outing of Plame’s undercover status is drawing to a close. slc library boy asks why the NYT is ignoring the story even though one of its reporters is still in jail for refusing to testify. He focuses on her plight:

But Calame [the NYT public editor] has not yet written a single word about a most public Fourth Estate showdown between Miller — serving time in jail for contempt of court in the Valerie Plame investigation — and special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald.In fact, it is obvious that the leaders of the Times have made a decision not to order hard reporting on Miller’s involvement in the Plame affair even when there are important new developments. This journalistic void — in the midst of widespread suspicion that Miller’s refusal to testify before a grand jury may reflect a fear of incriminating herself rather than simply betraying a source — is in stark contrast to the editorial page’s unceasing calls for her release.

mong other interesting news items the NYT has ignored.

It is striking that important information that has appeared elsewhere, including certain details about Miller’s meeting with Vice President Cheney’s chief of staff — which is now widely believed to be prosecutor Fitzgerald’s main focus — and John Bolton’s visit to her in jail, have still not been reported in The New York Times.

I think the key to understanding what’s going on is to ask why Miller chose to go to jail. Maybe she was the original leaker?

If Karl Rove was the evil genius the Democrats believe him to be, Bush could have crucified Mayor Nagin and Governor Blanco. Instead, Bush got crucified. Worse, he fired Michael Brown, the man who could have done the nailing.

On Cindy Sheehan, all Bush had to say was that he had met her, and that her son Casey believed in Operation Iraqi Freedom and had re-deployed to Iraq. He volunteered for the mission that resulted in his death. The NYT hit Bush with dozens of frontpage stories on St. Cindy, repeating its Abu Ghraib strategy. That could have been stomped on. Didn’t happen.

Memo to Bush: Al-Sadr was responsible for Casey Sheehan’s death. Why, in the name of God, is that POS still alive? (POS stands for Piece Of Shi’ite). That guy, all by himself, gives you justification for taking punitive action against his masters in Iran.

Brown’s performance on C-Span shows that the man has been defamed by the media and let down by his boss.

Powerline agrees.

Political Musings picks up this minor detail that Rangel forgot. From Wikipedia:

Theophilus Eugene “Bull” Connor (11 July 1897 – 10 March 1973) was a police official in the Southern United States during the American Civil Rights Movement and a staunch advocate of racial segregation. He was a Democrat and a delegate to the 1948 Democratic National Convention

I seem to recall that LBJ’s Civil Rights legislation only passed because Republicans supported it. Southern Democrats didn’t. Here are the facts:

The civil-rights bill of 1964 was enacted with strong bipartisan and bi-ideological (conservative and liberal) support. But, the credit for the civil-rights victory has gone almost exclusively to liberals and Democrats, particularly to Senator Hubert Humphrey (D, Minn.) in Congress, and to Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. However, much of the hard work of advancing the legislation was done by congressional Republicans — conservative stalwarts including Everett McKinley Dirksen of Illinois, Charles Halleck of Indiana, William McCulloch of Ohio, Robert Griffin of Michigan, Robert Taft Jr. of Ohio, Clarence Brown of Ohio, Roman Hruska of Nebraska, and moderates such as Thomas Kuchel of California, Kenneth Keating of New York, and Clark MacGregor of Minnesota. All of these Republicans served as major leaders of the pro-civil-rights coalition either as floor managers or captains for different sections of the bill.

Although the Democrats controlled both houses of the Congress at the time, a much-higher percentage of Republicans than Democrats supported the civil-rights bill. For example, in the House, Republicans voted for civil rights by a margin of 79 percent to 21 percent, 136-35. The Democrats’ margin was 153-91 or 63 percent to 37 percent.

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